| 7 Nw. J. Tech. & Intell. Prop. 162, http://www.law.northwestern.edu/journals/njtip/v7/n2/2 | NJTIP Home > Volume 7 > Issue 2 (Spring 2009) |
A.SocietalIII.Progression of Law
B.Financial
A.Wire ActIV.Critique of the Prohibitory Framework
B.Travel Act
C.Modern Unsuccessful Attempts at Prohibition
D.Unlawful Internet Gambling Enforcement Act of 2006
A.Shortcomings of a Prohibitory ApproachV.Internet Alcohol and Cigarette Context
B.Limitations of the UIGEA
A.Internet Alcohol SalesVI.Conclusion
B.Internet Cigarettes
"As smoking crack cocaine changed the cocaine experience, I think electronics is going to change the way gambling is experienced."1
¶ 1 Elected officials who passed and signed into law the Unlawful Internet Gambling Enforcement Act (UIGEA)2 did not speak loudly about it; Congress quietly attached the bill to the much larger Security and Accountability for Every (SAFE) Port Act, and President Bush made no reference to it at the signing ceremony.3 However, the UIGEA's effective prohibition of online casinos created a roar among those who support virtual betting.4 The UIGEA bans acceptance of any financial instrument used for unlawful Internet gambling.5 An individual can no longer log on to the World Wide Web and use his or her credit card, bank account, or PayPal account to play casino games over the Internet. The Act had a huge impact on the more than 1,800 virtual casinos that had combined annual revenues of nearly $15 billion prior to the ban.6 Because all Internet casinos are located outside the United States, the law does not attempt to stop them directly from operating here; however, preventing these businesses from receiving their money has the same effect.7
¶ 2 The reasons for prohibiting Internet gambling are as numerous as the justifications for restricting traditional brick-and-mortar casino gaming. Until the UIGEA, prior laws and attempts at prohibition were ineffective. Like any government policy, the prohibitory framework used in this legislation is not perfect, and the UIGEA has some weaknesses. However, a ban on Internet gambling is an appropriate measure when examined in the context of laws controlling the online sales of two other heavily restricted items—alcohol and cigarettes.
¶ 3 Part II of this Article explores the rationales for prohibiting, and not merely regulating, Internet gambling: preventing societal harm and preventing financial harm. These same rationales justify the strict regulatory environment under which traditional brick-and-mortar casinos operate. Part II argues, however, that because the intangible and uncontrollable nature of the World Wide Web makes virtual casinos impossible to regulate, a prohibition of online gambling is necessary to maintain legal consistency in our treatment of gaming.
¶ 4 Part III looks at the extensive attempts at prohibiting Internet casinos throughout the short time that virtual gambling has existed. It analyzes existing laws—the Wire and Travel Acts—and previously proposed legislation—the Internet Gambling Prohibition Acts of 1998 (IGPA 98) and 1999 (IGPA 99) and the Internet Gambling Enforcement Act (IGEA). The Wire and Travel Acts are laws created well before the advent of Internet technology that cannot be applied to online casinos without significant modifications. The IGPA 98, IGPA 99, and IGEA never became law for various reasons: disagreement on their merits, a presidential sex scandal, and lack of time in the Congressional session. Though these attempts at prohibition failed, the tide changed when the UIGEA became law in October 2006. Part III analyzes this law and explains how it effectively bans Internet gambling by stopping its funding mechanisms.
¶ 5 Part IV of this Article critiques prohibitory approaches to Internet gambling law in general and the UIGEA specifically. Shortcomings of a prohibitory framework include its protectionistic effect (i.e. allowing traditional brick-and-mortar casinos to eliminate competition), potential violation of constitutional rights, and restrictions on free trade. The UIGEA itself is also limited; the statute has possible loopholes created by an interpretation that skill gambling8 is excluded and alternative financial transfers the act does not reach. Despite these problems, Part IV concludes that the UIGEA provides both an effective and immediate solution to the problem of Internet gambling, and its weaknesses are more nuisance than failure.
¶ 6 Part V analyzes the UIGEA prohibition on virtual casinos in the context of laws restricting the prevalence on the Internet of two other items heavily regulated in the United States: alcohol and cigarettes. This section argues that the government's effective prohibition of Internet gambling is the appropriate action to take, considering that the sale of alcohol and cigarettes in cyberspace are also significantly restricted. Throughout history, alcohol and cigarettes have been subject to tight regulations on their production, distribution, and use. The impetus behind this strict control is the government's duty to moderate between protecting society from these potentially harmful products and allowing individuals the liberty to consume them. The regulatory needs and historical treatment of gambling is identical to that of alcohol and cigarettes. Much power over regulation of these items is reserved to the states; however, the federal government steps in when a uniform rule is necessary to ensure the effectiveness of individual state laws. When Internet liquor stores appeared and made interstate online alcohol sales available to states where such virtual sales are outlawed, the federal government intervened to stop the practice. After online tobacco vendors gave smokers the option of purchasing cigarettes across state lines to avoid paying legally mandated sales taxes, a government-credit card company alliance formed to ban this activity. Based on this context, Part V argues that when casinos showed up in cyberspace and allowed individuals to participate in Internet gambling—an online activity that is prohibited in all fifty states—it was only appropriate that the government shut down these virtual establishments. Part VI concludes this Article.
¶ 7 Conventional gambling is "subject to intense scrutiny and a myriad of licensing and other operational requirements."9 Internet gambling, to the contrary, cannot be effectively regulated to the same degree because of its intangible nature.10 Prohibition of virtual casinos is the only solution to this legal disjointedness. Why should we allow unfettered betting on the Internet when land-based gambling is one of the most stringently regulated activities in the United States?11 The rationales for regulating traditional brick-and-mortar gambling also strongly support prohibiting Internet casinos.12 These rationales for prohibiting gambling—both traditional and online—can be separated into two broad categories of harm prevention: societal and financial.
¶ 8 The proliferation of online casinos raises fears that the social harms of gambling will spread exponentially because of easy access and an inability to regulate Internet activity.13 Among these societal harms are addiction and problem gambling, access by minors, consumer vulnerability to fraud, and criminal activity.
¶ 9 Gambling is addictive.14 The number of problem gamblers in a jurisdiction is directly related to the number of casinos.15 Online gambling creates a casino anywhere the Internet can be accessed: home, work, school, and so on. Increased access exacerbates addiction problems. Youth are particularly vulnerable to addiction. Unlike brick-and-mortar casinos, Internet gaming sites have no reasonable means of verifying age at the door; therefore, minors have an easier time accessing gambling.16
¶ 10 Even if consumers of online casinos do not become addicted, they are still susceptible to fraudulent practices of unscrupulous operators.17 Sites have the ability to steal a customer's credit card number or manipulate the odds of winning so that payouts are unfair.18 Additionally, the government usually cannot remedy these deceptive practices because all Internet casinos operate outside the jurisdiction of the United States.19
¶ 11 Internet gambling harms not just the gamblers, but society as a whole. Gambling increases the occurrence of certain crimes.20 These crimes range from less serious offenses, such as burglary and check fraud,21 to high-level wrong-doing, such as money-laundering.22 Organized crime has long used brick-and-mortar casinos for money laundering, and government officials suspect terrorist groups could employ Internet gambling for this same purpose.23
¶ 12 Internet gambling does not just hurt society personally—it also hurts society financially.24 This harm affects individuals—in the form of debt accumulation and bankruptcy—and the economy as a whole—through a lack of jobs and decrease in tax revenue.25 At an individual level, Internet gambling causes personal financial ruin through debt accumulation and bankruptcy.26 Legalized gambling, which is subject to extensive restrictions and safeguards, is already one of the leading causes of bankruptcy in the United States.27 The government's inability to effectively regulate virtual casinos and the ease of accessing them will only make this financial problem more severe.28
¶ 13 At the aggregate level, online gambling drains the economy and does not provide many of the financial benefits associated with conventional gaming.29 For example, Harrah's Entertainment built its New Orleans hotel and casino at a cost of $345 million dollars; the construction created 4,259 new jobs in the multi-county metropolitan area and boosted household earnings by a total of $107.5 million.30 Internet Casinos, Inc. spent just $1.5 million establishing a virtual casino and created only seventeen new jobs.31 Not only are the economic benefits of Internet gambling miniscule compared to traditional brick-and-mortar casinos, all operations occur outside the United States, resulting in no domestic benefit.32
¶ 14 Though traditional gambling causes societal and financial harm, the resulting tax revenue often compensates for the damage done.33 Land-based gambling generates tax revenue from a wide variety of sources: casino profits, tourism dollars, employment income, and property value increases.34 Virtual casinos provide no such benefit because they operate outside the United States.35 Even if they did operate within the government's jurisdiction, the gain from online gambling is disproportionately smaller because of its business model.36
¶ 15 Since its founding, the United States has struggled with the question of how much, if at all, it should restrict gambling.37 Indecision over gaming regulation did not originate in America—early lawmakers imported it when they based gambling rules on a mix of English laws that swayed between toleration and prohibition.38 Indecision resulted in inconsistency39 and ambiguity.40 It is no surprise that the same lack of order plaguing regulation of traditional gaming carried over to Internet gambling. Throughout history, the federal government viewed gaming regulation as primarily a matter reserved to the states by the Tenth Amendment, except when a national response was necessary to ensure uniformity among the states.41 The jurisdictional uniqueness of the Internet called for a national answer to online gambling.42 However, even at the federal level, the government failed to get a handle on the virtual gaming problem until the passage of the Unlawful Internet Gambling Enforcement Act of 2006 (UIGEA) because existing laws and attempts at new prohibitions proved ineffective.43
¶ 16 One of the first laws used to question the legality of Internet gambling—the Wire Act—finds its inception well before the advent of broadband technology, e-mail, web sites, and even personal computers.44 The Wire Act made it a criminal offense to use a wire communication facility in interstate commerce to place a bet or wager on any sporting event or contest.45 A safe harbor provision in the Wire Act allows electronic sports betting if it is legal at both ends of the wire.46 The Act's original purpose was to shut down the "race wire," a national telegraph network that transmitted information and results from horse races to "thousands of illegal, untaxed betting dens and bookie stands."47
¶ 17 Though government prosecutors attempted to use the Wire Act to battle online gambling,48 the courts determined that its application on the World Wide Web was limited to sports betting and did not include traditional casino games.49 Even if Congress had expanded the scope of the Wire Act to cover traditional casino games, the question remains as to whether an Internet connection provided by a cellular phone would constitute a wire communication facility.50 If the scope of the Wire Act does not reach this wireless technology, the law will be limited in curing the virtual gaming problem. These limitations prevent the Wire Act from serving as a significant authority for prohibiting Internet gambling.
¶ 18 Another relatively ancient tool used in the modern fight against Internet gambling is the Travel Act.51 The Travel Act prohibits intentionally conducting an unlawful activity using a facility of interstate commerce.52 Gambling over wires is an unlawful activity that can be prosecuted under the Travel Act, and unlike the Wire Act, there is no limitation on the type of gaming within the scope of the law.53 However, like the Wire Act, only operators—not bettors—can violate the Travel Act.54 Therefore, only virtual casino operators are subject to criminal liability under the Travel Act.
¶ 19 Though the Travel Act provides stronger authority for challenging all forms of Internet gambling, it is not without limits. It suffers from the same downside as the Wire Act—there is no indication that wireless communications are within the scope of the Travel Act.55 Weaknesses in the Wire and Travel Acts cause neither law to have the impact necessary to eliminate the Internet gambling problem in the United States; therefore, the government sought a modern statutory remedy.
¶ 20 Considering that the Internet is a new forum for gaming, there is a relatively long history of federal legislative attempts to prohibit online gambling.56 Prior to the UIGEA, none of those efforts became law, for reasons ranging from disagreements over the appropriate number of exceptions to a presidential sex scandal.
¶ 21 The first major effort to criminalize Internet gambling occurred through an attempted amendment to the Wire Act, rather than the creation of an independent law.57 Legislating through amendment allows the government to rest on the authority of a well-established law while asserting its power in a contemporary area of regulation. The Internet Gambling Prohibition Act of 1998 (IGPA 98) sought to expand the scope of the Wire Act to include non-sports betting58 and to prohibit using the Internet to place bets or assist in the placing of bets.59 By making it unlawful to place bets, in addition to assisting in their placement, the IGPA 98 targeted not just the Internet gambling operators, but also their customers. Under the bill, violators could be fined, imprisoned,60 or have their sites terminated by their Internet service provider (ISP).61 The bill would require ISPs to block all access to virtual casinos and to refuse advertisements from Internet gambling sites.62
¶ 22 Rationales for the IGPA 98 included maintaining regulatory consistency amongst non-Internet gambling laws, protecting children from casino access, and preventing addiction and abuse.63 The Justice Department questioned the bill's enforceability and overreaching nature.64 Despite these concerns, the Senate voted 90 to 10 in support of the IGPA 98 on July 23, 1998.65 This high level of support carried over to the House Judiciary Committee, but the bill never reached a final vote on the floor of the House during the 105th Congressional session because of a big obstacle congesting the legislative process: the Monica Lewinsky scandal.66
¶ 23 While debate over presidential impeachment unintentionally killed the IGPA 98, very little time passed before its original sponsor resurrected the bill in a new form: the Internet Gambling Prohibition Act of 1999 (IGPA 99).67 The wording of the bill is almost identical to the IGPA 98; however, a few differences significantly impacted the law's effect. Under the IGPA 99, only online casino operators would be held liable—individual gamblers could not be prosecuted for wagering in cyberspace.68 The improved act also lifted the burden on ISPs; they were still required to remove the account of a business violating the law, but they only had to make "reasonable" steps to filter illegal gambling websites.69 Advertising Internet casinos was once again forbidden, but the IGPA 99 granted ISPs immunity for hosting advertisements for non-Internet gambling.70
¶ 24 With many concerns of the IGPA 98 addressed, the IGPA 99 unanimously passed in the Senate on November 19, 1999.71 However, the House once again served as a source of defeat—this time on the actual merits of the bill and not legislative congestion.72 Members disagreed over the IGPA 99's exceptions for individual bettors and fantasy sports leagues.73
¶ 25 In addition to killing the Senate's IGPA 99, members of the House also failed to bring their own alternative piece of anti-Internet gambling legislation to life. H.R. 4419 was an Internet gambling funding prohibition bill that banned virtual casinos from accepting a bettor's credit cards, electronic fund transfers, or checks in connection with illegal Internet wagers.74 The bill required banks, credit card companies, and other financial institutions to help with enforcement by detecting and blocking illegal transactions.75 Though H.R. 4419 did not become law, it strongly influenced the design of the current Internet gambling prohibition.76
¶ 26 Much like H.R. 4419, the Internet Gambling Enforcement Act (IGEA) placed less emphasis on directly stopping online gambling participants—the individual bettors and operators—and focused more on payment systems that support the activity.77 The bill prohibited Internet gambling businesses from accepting credit cards, checks, electronic transfers, and other financial transactions.78 Like many of its predecessors, the IGEA would have amended the Wire Act rather than create an independent prohibition.79 In addition to the usual rationales of consumer protection and preventing access by children,80 the IGEA also addressed concerns about terrorist groups using Internet gambling as a vehicle for money-laundering.81 The House passed the IGEA on October 1, 2002.82 In the Senate, it was referred to committee; however, the bill never reached the Senate floor.83 The IGEA did not become law, but fighting Internet gambling through payment systems ultimately prevailed as the preferred method of prohibition in the recently passed UIGEA.84
¶ 27 The funding prohibition approach of the Unlawful Internet Gambling Enforcement Act of 2006 (UIGEA) is not entirely novel; prior proposed legislation restricted Internet gambling by blocking payments to operators.85 However, one major difference is found in the UIGEA: it creates an independent law under Title 31, the Money and Finance Code,86 whereas previous efforts at regulation attempted to amend the Wire Act.87 By choosing creation of new law over amendment of established law, Congress emerges into an area of regulation—the Internet—alone and cannot rely on the laurels of the Wire Act as authority for its actions. However, Congress also avoids many challenges the Wire Act faced in prohibiting online gaming.88
¶ 28 Absent from the UIGEA's "Congressional findings and purpose" are some of the most commonly cited rationales for restricting Internet gambling, such as prevention of access by children and avoidance of social harms.89 Most of the findings are money-oriented, recognizing the use of credit cards in online gaming,90 recommendations to prohibit wire transfers,91 and debt-collection problems tied to Internet gambling.92 The emphasis on financial—not social—harms is likely a result of the UIGEA's inclusion in the Money and Finance Code instead of the Criminal Code.93
¶ 29 The largest portion of the UIGEA consists of definitions.94 In defining "bet or wager," the UIGEA is careful to distinguish between casino-style Internet gambling and the online purchase or sale of securities, commodities, over-the-counter derivative instruments, and insurance contracts.95 Fantasy sports games are also excluded from the definition of "bet or wager," as long as any prize given to a participant is not determined by the amount of fees paid to enter the competition.96 "Payment system" is broadly defined to include a wide variety of financial transactions.97 This is necessary because one of the greatest threats to the effectiveness of the UIGEA is a creative banking industry that could construct financial instruments not restricted by anti-gambling funding prohibitions.98
¶ 30 Though far-reaching in the Internet gambling world, the UIGEA treads lightly on established state and federal gaming laws.99 States are not prohibited from allowing intrastate Internet gambling as long as age and location verification reasonably prevent access by minors and persons located outside of the state.100 The federal government's longstanding view that authority over gambling is primarily reserved to the states justifies this exception.101 Tribal gambling is subject to a provision similar to the intrastate allowance; however, both intra and intertribal virtual gaming is allowed.102 In addition, the UIGEA is careful to recognize that its restrictions have no effect on horseracing, which is currently allowed under state and federal law.103
¶ 31 After extensively laying out definitions, inclusions, and exclusions, the UIGEA briefly describes what the Act prohibits: acceptance of any financial instrument for unlawful Internet gambling.104 The details of enforcing this prohibition are left up to the Federal Reserve System,105 which prescribes regulations that banks and credit card companies must follow to identify and block restricted transactions.106
¶ 32 A person who violates the UIGEA is subject to both civil and criminal penalties.107 These remedies include removal of the virtual casino website,108 fines, imprisonment not greater than five years, and a permanent injunction against the operator.109
¶ 33 Two words describe the UIGEA's impact on Internet gambling: effective and immediate.110 Upon the prohibition being signed into law on October 13, 2006, PartyPoker.com suspended its gaming business with United States residents. Online casino Sportingbet stopped providing gambling services in the U.S. and sold its operations for one dollar. Believing a ban on virtual gaming was imminent, Casino-on-Net actually stopped taking bets from U.S. gamblers before President Bush signed the UIGEA into law.111 Being denied access to the U.S. market is a move the virtual casinos are not happy about; some are even resisting it.112 The value of online casinos fell as much as eighty percent113 due to the loss of their biggest customer bases.114 Though a few virtual gaming operators are not complicit with the prohibition, almost all have been forced to take their business elsewhere.
¶ 34 However, a prohibitory framework, such as the one used in the UIGEA, is not without flaws. Domestically, critics attack the prohibition of Internet gambling because some of its main proponents are traditional casinos, who are looking out for their own interests, not those of the consumers. Critics also argue that the ban is potentially ineffective and unconstitutional. Internationally, members of the World Trade Organization criticize prohibition because numerous exceptions in the framework lead to trade discrimination. In addition to the general problems of prohibition, the UIGEA has specific weaknesses that will test its effectiveness: an interpretation of the statute that excludes skill gambling from prohibition and the inability to restrict difficult-to-track alternative financial instruments. Despite these issues, a careful analysis demonstrates the UIGEA is still effective in fulfilling its purpose.115
¶ 35 The credibility of the movement to ban online gambling is often attacked because of the alliance of otherwise opposing interest groups that supports prohibition over regulation. Predictable proponents of banning online gambling—such as religious, family, and conservative organizations—have teamed up with the major brick-and-mortar casinos.116 Conventional gambling institutions claim they support prohibition because virtual operations cannot be regulated to the degree necessary to ensure fairness, minimize social harm, and prevent problem gambling.117 However, prohibition critics argue that the true reason for this alliance is that brick-and-mortar casinos "[worry] that Internet gambling [will] cannibalize their preexisting multi-million-dollar gambling operations."118 Online operators see the desire to corner the market as the reason prohibitionist casino institutions are not willing to give regulation a try.119
¶ 36 Not every previously proposed legislative action concerning Internet gambling takes a prohibitive approach. Despite the powerful alliance of conservatives and casinos against them, proponents of a regulatory framework have had a voice in the political process. They used that voice to propose a solution for two potential pitfalls of a prohibitory framework: ineffectiveness and unconstitutionality.120
¶ 37 The Internet Gambling Licensing and Regulation Commission Act (IGLRCA), a bill that advocates regulation, focused on these weaknesses in its attempt to shift legislative attitude toward a regulatory approach.121 The House received the IGLRCA in 2003, which suggested establishing a commission to analyze the viability of allowing strictly regulated online casinos.122 The IGLRCA did not offer any explanation on how regulation would work or why it would be superior to prohibition123 in solving the many problems associated with Internet gambling.124 However, findings in the act identified potential ineffectiveness125 and violation of individual due process and privacy rights as disadvantages of a prohibitory framework.126 Though the IGLRCA went before the House Subcommittee on Crime, the Act's concerns about the practical and the constitutional problems related to the prohibition of online casinos did not change many minds—the House never voted on the measure.127
¶ 38 Challenges to the United States' prohibition of Internet gambling do not just come from the domestic front—there is significant international pressure to take a regulatory approach. In 2003, before the enactment of the UIGEA, a foreign country—Antigua and Barbuda—filed a complaint against the United States with the World Trade Organization.128 It alleges that the Wire and Travel Acts,129 read in conjunction with the laws of several states,130 amount to a prohibition of foreign online gaming providers in violation of the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS).131 The WTO's Dispute Settlement Panel agreed with the complainant and determined that U.S. law at the time of the ruling prohibited certain forms of Internet gambling in a discriminatory manner.132 Exceptions in anti-gambling laws that allow limited online betting from domestic operators under the Interstate Horseracing Act are the main source of discrimination.133 These same exceptions are found in the UIGEA, providing a ground for foreign countries to object with the World Trade Organization to this more encompassing prohibition.134 But the United States settled current and potential trade disputes surrounding its prohibition of online gambling by granting concessions in other sectors to the complaining countries.135 The White House refused to disclose what those concessions were, and they are currently the subject of a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit.136
¶ 39 In an effort to preserve their operations, some Internet casinos distinguish between chance and skill gambling. Drawing a narrow interpretation of the UIGEA, these sites conclude that the new law does not prohibit games of skill, such as poker, because these games rely more on the player's ability than chance.137 However, a broad reading of the UIGEA proves this is not a solid interpretation.
¶ 40 The definition of "bet or wager" clearly includes "a game subject to chance."138 Therefore, if the online casino game in any way involves chance, the UIGEA prohibits it. Despite involving more skill than other games, such as slots or roulette, poker is still subject to chance. One Internet casino that advocates the view that poker is excluded from the UIGEA actually acknowledges that poker is subject to chance in its online glossary when defining gaming terms such as "equity,"139 "expectation,"140 and "favorite."141
¶ 41 This challenge to the UIGEA is more of a nuisance to enforcement than a serious threat to effectiveness of the law; however, it should be addressed by regulators to ensure continuity in the Act's implementation. An online poker ban is an essential inclusion in the UIGEA prohibitions because poker is subject to an additional fraud risk not found in other forms of Internet gambling: collusion among players at a table.142 Arguing for an interpretation of the UIGEA that excludes poker and other skills gambling from the law is weak at best, and the most these advocates can probably hope to achieve is a brief delay in their dismissal from the U.S. market.
¶ 42 Prohibition of financial transfers to online casinos through payment systems is the primary way the UIGEA bans Internet gambling.143 Despite a broad definition of "payment systems,"144 alternative financial instruments not covered by the Act remain a threat to the effectiveness of the prohibition.145 Bank and credit card payments are easy to control; however, "mobile payment systems, smart cards, . . . [and] gift certificates that are encrypted" will be more difficult to track and ban.146 While the creativity of the financial industry prevents the UIGEA from being airtight, a provision of the Act requiring ISPs to block virtual casino web sites fills in the gap left by the funding prohibition.147 Congress takes a belt and suspenders approach with the UIGEA by both prohibiting financial transfers and requiring ISPs to block online gambling web sites.
¶ 43 In the United States, gaming—both traditional and online—is a $70 billion a year industry.148 Betting is clearly an American pastime;149 however, this activity poses many risks that threaten the personal welfare and economic health of society.150 Because of these threats, the government carefully regulates gambling activity to achieve a balance between freedom to engage in this form of entertainment and protection from harm.151 Prohibition of online casinos is not a statement that all forms of gambling are wrong; rather, it reflects a desire to prohibit an Internet activity that otherwise skews a carefully moderated balance upheld by existing regulations. By shutting down virtual casinos, the government preserves the precarious integrity of the gaming industry as a whole, allowing casino activity to continue in a well-moderated form. Subjecting activities that have the potential to cause harm to tight restrictions is nothing new. Alcohol and cigarettes are both controlled in a manner similar to gambling.152 A ban on a type of betting—online gambling—is no different than restrictions on Internet alcohol and cigarette purchases. Therefore, by prohibiting online casinos, the United States is merely acting in accordance with its past approach to the emergence of items with high risks of harm on the World Wide Web.
¶ 44 There is no question that alcohol, like gambling, is potentially damaging to society and must be carefully controlled to achieve the appropriate balance between allowing individuals to drink and protecting people from harm.153 The production, sale, and consumption of alcohol are subject to strict rules imposed at the state and federal levels.154 Like gambling control, alcohol regulation is a power primarily reserved to the states.155 However, the U.S. government imposes restrictions on both of these activities when one state's laws prevent another state's laws from being effective.156
¶ 45 All states prohibit individuals under the age of twenty-one from purchasing alcohol.157 States usually restrict when158 and how alcohol can be sold.159 Laws prevent intoxicated persons from operating automobiles,160 and vendors can be held liable for harm caused by patrons they serve.161 While this strict regulatory environment for alcohol may seem onerous, it is no different than the high level of restrictions placed on traditional gambling that are designed to prevent harm from that activity.162
¶ 46 Since gambling services and alcoholic products have a comparable need for regulation, it is natural that their existence on the Internet is treated similarly. Internet casinos are illegal in all states, and the UIGEA prevents bettors from accessing and using them.163 Purchasing alcohol online is against the law in most states, and federal law prevents buyers from obtaining it over the Internet in those jurisdictions that prohibit virtual alcohol sales.164 The federal government imposes restrictions on Internet alcohol purchases and virtual gambling to the extent necessary to make state laws effective. Though the online alcohol sales ban is not as encompassing as the Internet gambling prohibition—out-of-state virtual liquor stores can sell to customers in states where online sales of such products are legal—the two restrictions are analogous.165
¶ 47 In the case of alcohol, an all-encompassing federal ban on online liquor sales is not necessary to make individual state laws effective. This is because alcohol is a good, and not a service like gambling. To complete the transaction, the virtual liquor store must enter the real world and mail the alcoholic good to a physical address; therefore, it is able to easily block alcohol purchases from states where buying liquor online is illegal.166 The virtual casino, on the other hand, stays entirely in cyberspace; everything it delivers is intangible, so the operator has a difficult time determining from what state the bettor is playing.167
¶ 48 In the UIGEA, Congress recognizes the importance of prohibiting Internet gambling only to the extent necessary to make state gambling laws that ban virtual casinos effective.168 The Act gives a state the ability to legalize intrastate virtual gambling as long as the online casino can verify that bettors are playing from that state.169 This is identical to the exception in the federal law banning Internet liquor purchases that allows customers to buy alcohol online in states where that purchase is legal.
¶ 49 By prohibiting Internet gambling, the government is not labeling casinos immoral or overreaching into the personal lives of Americans. It merely performs its duties of moderating potentially harmful activity and supporting an environment where states have the right to choose their own direction. A resident of a state that prohibits Internet alcohol purchases cannot buy a bottle of vodka online, so why should a citizen of a state that bans Internet gambling be allowed to play roulette from his or her living room?
¶ 50 Cigarettes join alcohol and gambling as part of the group of legal, potentially harmful, and heavily restricted items that must be carefully moderated. Unlike alcohol and gambling, which have a "love-hate" relationship with the government and general public,170 the modern attitude toward cigarettes is better described as "hate-hate."171 Of the three items, cigarettes at one time were the most widely accepted; this attitude quickly changed around the middle of the twentieth century when the public learned of the harmful effects of smoking.172 With citizens' health at stake, a flurry of laws and restrictions were imposed on Big Tobacco to reduce smoking.173 The federal government plays a role in regulating smoking;174 however, like alcohol and gambling, most of the control over cigarettes is reserved to the states.175 Only when federal uniformity is necessary to ensure consistency among multiple state laws does the U.S. government step in.176
¶ 51 Much like gambling and alcohol, states heavily restrict cigarette smoking. All states set a minimum age for purchasing cigarettes, though it varies by jurisdiction.177 They also restrict where individuals can smoke cigarettes.178 A number of states have increased these prohibitions in recent years;179 however, a handful of states—primarily those with a strong tobacco industry—impose very few limits on where cigarettes can be lit.180 To ameliorate the harmful effects of smoking on society, states generate tax revenue from the purchase of cigarettes,181 just as economic benefits produced by legalized gambling are used to remedy the ills that result from that activity.182 Some states even offer government employees programs designed to help them quit smoking.183 These programs are comparable to the private efforts of the casino industry to assist individuals who have a gambling problem.184 Heavy regulations imposed on cigarettes, much like those imposed on the gaming industry, ultimately reduced harm from smoking while allowing individuals the liberty to consume these products.
¶ 52 Cigarettes and gambling services are treated identically on the Internet: an individual cannot use an electronic financial transfer to obtain them online.185 While congressional action was necessary to prohibit Internet gambling funding,186 an alliance of attorneys general, credit card companies, and the Federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives teamed up to prevent the sale of cigarettes over the Internet.187 The alliance decided that credit card companies and other financial transaction providers, such as PayPal, would no longer make payments to Internet cigarette vendors.188 The primary concern over virtual cigarette purchases is an economic one: states cannot collect tax revenue used to ameliorate the harmful effects of smoking on society.189 The Jenkins Act requires distributors to report the shipment of cigarettes to the state tobacco tax administrator;190 however, many Internet vendors ignored this law, cutting states and cities out of millions of dollars in sales-tax revenue.191 Through the efforts of the government-credit card company alliance, virtual cigarette stores cannot use electronic financial transactions to do business in the United States.192 Additionally, the vendors have been forced to release sales records so that states may collect unpaid taxes on prior sales.193
¶ 53 The non-legislative prohibition of virtual cigarette sales has limits. Not all vendors are deterred by the obstruction of financing mechanisms; one store in cyberspace claims to offer intrastate cigarette sales over the Internet.194 In actuality, interstate customers are able to purchase cigarettes at this web site.195 This vendor considers the sale complete in the state it operates from and claims that the buyer takes ownership at purchase.196 Shipment of the order is an act by the purchaser, not the seller.197 Taxes are paid on the cigarettes, which is more restrictive than before, when virtual vendors were not paying taxes. However, the state where they are sold—which has a lower tax rate—receives the revenue.198 This is problematic because the state harmed by cigarette use is not the one that obtains tax revenue; therefore, it cannot use that money to ameliorate injury caused by smoking.
¶ 54 An alliance between credit card companies and government law enforcement agencies effectively reduced the sale of cigarettes on the World Wide Web. While successful, weaknesses in the program that bans Internet cigarette sales demonstrate that congressional action, and not a public-private alliance, is the appropriate solution for curing the virtual gambling problem.199
¶ 55 Gambling is a heavily regulated activity—for good reason. It has the potential to cause a host of societal and financial harms: addiction, youth betting, fraud, crime, personal debt, bankruptcy, and a poor economy. The existence of casinos on the Internet increases the accessibility and occurrence of gambling, exacerbating the potential for harm. At the same time, offshore virtual casinos cannot be reached by the regulatory hand of the United States. This prevents the government from maintaining the control necessary to minimize these harms and obtaining the tax revenue necessary to ameliorate these ills.
¶ 56 The Unlawful Internet Gambling Enforcement Act of 2006 resolves the virtual gaming problem by banning the acceptance of proceeds from payment systems by a person engaged in an Internet gambling business. This law was not born overnight. Established laws—namely the Wire and Travel Acts—were outdated and not sufficiently applicable to the Internet gaming industry. A series of legislative attempts—the IGPA 98, IGPA 99, and IGEA—evolved from a ban on online casinos effected through an amendment to the Wire Act to the modern UIGEA, which stops virtual betting by prohibiting its funding.
¶ 57 The UIGEA has had a strong and immediate impact on stopping Internet casinos from doing business with United States gamblers. However, like any government policy, it is limited. The prohibitory framework of the UIGEA is criticized for being supported by a self-serving conventional gaming industry, potentially violating the Constitution, and violating WTO free trade agreements. Minor loopholes exist in the UIGEA: Some operators argue it does not prohibit online poker, and a creative finance industry can invent financial instruments outside the scope of the Act. These weaknesses are more nuisance than actual threat to enforceability; the UIGEA remains a strong tool in the fight against Internet gambling.
¶ 58 Even with its limitations, the prohibitive UIGEA, when viewed in the context of bans on the sale of alcohol and cigarettes on the Internet, is clearly the appropriate policy choice. Gambling services, alcohol, and cigarettes are equally subject to strict regulations on their production, distribution, and use. These items have a strong potential to cause harm, therefore the government must carefully balance moderate protection of society with liberty to use these items. Through government action, the sale of alcohol and cigarettes on the Internet has been prohibited to only include states that allow such purchases. With the enactment of the UIGEA, Internet gambling is placed on the same legal playing field as online alcohol and cigarette purchases: it is prohibited.
| © Copyright 2009 by Northwestern University School of Law, Northwestern Journal of Technology and Intellectual Property | Volume 7 Issue 2 (Spring 2009) |